Politics is the art of the possible.

Politics is the art of the possible.

What is hateful to thyself do not do to another. That is the whole Law, the rest is Commentary.

What is hateful to thyself do not do to another. That is the whole Law, the rest is Commentary.

The aggressor is always peace-loving; he would prefer to take over our country unopposed.

The aggressor is always peace-loving; he would prefer to take over our country unopposed.

Capital is a result of labor, and is used by labor to assist it in further production. Labor is the read more

Capital is a result of labor, and is used by labor to assist it in further production. Labor is the active and initial force, and labor is therefore the employer of capital.

A lot of fellows nowadays have a B. A., M. D., or Ph. D. Unfortunately, they don't have a J. read more

A lot of fellows nowadays have a B. A., M. D., or Ph. D. Unfortunately, they don't have a J. O. B.

To some, freedom means the opportunity to do what they want to do; to most it means not to do read more

To some, freedom means the opportunity to do what they want to do; to most it means not to do what they do not want to do. It is perhaps true that those who can grow will feel free under any condition.

It is hard to imagine a more stupid or more dangerous way of making decisions than by putting those decisions read more

It is hard to imagine a more stupid or more dangerous way of making decisions than by putting those decisions in the hands of people who pay no price for being wrong.

All that a good government aims at...is to add no unnecessary and artificial aid to the force of its own read more

All that a good government aims at...is to add no unnecessary and artificial aid to the force of its own unavoidable consequences, and to abstain from fortifying and accumulating social inequality as a means of increasing political inequalities.

Except in the sacred texts of democracy and in the incantations of orators, we hardly take the trouble to pretend read more

Except in the sacred texts of democracy and in the incantations of orators, we hardly take the trouble to pretend that the rule of the majority is not at bottom a rule of force. What other virtue can there be in fifty-one percent except the brute fact that fifty-one is more than forty-nine? The rule of fifty-one per cent is a convenience, it is for certain matters a satisfactory political device, it is for others the lesser of two evils, and for others it is acceptable because we do not know any less troublesome method of obtaining a political decision. But it may easily become an absurd tyranny if we regard it worshipfully, as though it were more than a political device. We have lost all sense of its true meaning when we imagine that the opinion of fifty-one per cent is in some high fashion the true opinion of the whole hundred per cent, or indulge in the sophistry that the rule of a majority is based upon the ultimate equality of man.