All who think cannot but see there is a sanction like that of religion which binds us in partnership in read more

All who think cannot but see there is a sanction like that of religion which binds us in partnership in the serious work of the world.

Rousseau had it backwards. We are NOT born free. We are born in the chains of the random and the read more

Rousseau had it backwards. We are NOT born free. We are born in the chains of the random and the reflexive, and are ignorant and unreasonable by simple nature. We must learn to be free, to organize the random and detect the reflexive, to acquire the knowledge of particulars and the powers of reason. The examined life is impossible if we cannot examine, order, classify, define, distinguish, always in minute particulars.

The final test of a leader is that he leaves behind him in other men the conviction and the will read more

The final test of a leader is that he leaves behind him in other men the conviction and the will to carry on.

The whole art of politics consists in directing rationally the irrationalities of men.

The whole art of politics consists in directing rationally the irrationalities of men.

Crime, like disease, is not interesting; it is something to be done away with by general consent, and that is read more

Crime, like disease, is not interesting; it is something to be done away with by general consent, and that is all about it.

The Vice-Presidency is sort of like the last cookie on the plate. Everybody insists he won't take it, but somebody read more

The Vice-Presidency is sort of like the last cookie on the plate. Everybody insists he won't take it, but somebody always does.

Except in the sacred texts of democracy and in the incantations of orators, we hardly take the trouble to pretend read more

Except in the sacred texts of democracy and in the incantations of orators, we hardly take the trouble to pretend that the rule of the majority is not at bottom a rule of force. What other virtue can there be in fifty-one percent except the brute fact that fifty-one is more than forty-nine? The rule of fifty-one per cent is a convenience, it is for certain matters a satisfactory political device, it is for others the lesser of two evils, and for others it is acceptable because we do not know any less troublesome method of obtaining a political decision. But it may easily become an absurd tyranny if we regard it worshipfully, as though it were more than a political device. We have lost all sense of its true meaning when we imagine that the opinion of fifty-one per cent is in some high fashion the true opinion of the whole hundred per cent, or indulge in the sophistry that the rule of a majority is based upon the ultimate equality of man.

We who lived in concentration camps can remember the men who walked through the huts comforting others, giving away their read more

We who lived in concentration camps can remember the men who walked through the huts comforting others, giving away their last piece of bread. They may have been few in number, but they offer sufficient proof that everything can be taken from a man but one thing: the last of human freedoms - to choose one's attitude in any given set of circumstances - to choose one's own way.

This case is wholly without merit both factually and legally.
(US District Judge in commenting on the Fox network lawsuit
read more

This case is wholly without merit both factually and legally.
(US District Judge in commenting on the Fox network lawsuit
against Al Franken's book).