We're all capable of mistakes, but I do not care to enlighten you on the mistakes we may or may read more

We're all capable of mistakes, but I do not care to enlighten you on the mistakes we may or may not have made.

Power is the ultimate aphrodisiac.

Power is the ultimate aphrodisiac.

It is the nature of slavery to render its victims so abject that at last, fearing to be free, they read more

It is the nature of slavery to render its victims so abject that at last, fearing to be free, they multiply their own chains. You can liberate a freeman, but you cannot liberate a slave.

I was known as the chief grave robber of my state.

I was known as the chief grave robber of my state.

No intelligent man has any respect for an unjust law.

No intelligent man has any respect for an unjust law.

Except in the sacred texts of democracy and in the incantations of orators, we hardly take the trouble to pretend read more

Except in the sacred texts of democracy and in the incantations of orators, we hardly take the trouble to pretend that the rule of the majority is not at bottom a rule of force. What other virtue can there be in fifty-one percent except the brute fact that fifty-one is more than forty-nine? The rule of fifty-one per cent is a convenience, it is for certain matters a satisfactory political device, it is for others the lesser of two evils, and for others it is acceptable because we do not know any less troublesome method of obtaining a political decision. But it may easily become an absurd tyranny if we regard it worshipfully, as though it were more than a political device. We have lost all sense of its true meaning when we imagine that the opinion of fifty-one per cent is in some high fashion the true opinion of the whole hundred per cent, or indulge in the sophistry that the rule of a majority is based upon the ultimate equality of man.

Crime, like disease, is not interesting; it is something to be done away with by general consent, and that is read more

Crime, like disease, is not interesting; it is something to be done away with by general consent, and that is all about it.

It is the very essence of despotism that it can never afford to fail. This is what distinguishes it most read more

It is the very essence of despotism that it can never afford to fail. This is what distinguishes it most vitally from democracy. In a despotism there is no organized opposition which can take over the power when the Administration in office has failed. All the eggs are in one basket. Everything is staked on one coterie of men. When the going is good, they move more quickly and efficiently than democracies, where the opposition has to be persuaded and conciliated. But when they lose, there are no reserves. There are no substitutes on the bench ready to go out on the field and carry the ball. That is why democracies with the habit of party government have outlived all other forms of government in the modern world. They have, as it were, at least two governments always at hand, and when one fails they have the other. They have diversified the risks of mortality, corruption, and stupidity which pervade all human affairs. They have remembered that the most beautifully impressive machine cannot run for very long unless there is available a complete supply of spare parts.

Democracy is when the indigent, and not the men of property, are the rulers.

Democracy is when the indigent, and not the men of property, are the rulers.